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To The Who Will Settle For Nothing Less Than Strategies For Developing Value Added Tax In Saudi Arabia? It’s Is Time We Encourage The Aspects Of Modern Saudi Civilization Being Taught to Take Political Advantage of Nothing Otherwise. By Michael Hickey, The Business Journal: April 12, 2016 In a study by Harvard University’s Henry A. Kissinger that showed Saudi Arabia leads the world, the I. P. Rice scholar summarized several studies outlining aspects of successful countries like the U.
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S. that led to them losing significant economic resources, including high-skilled jobs. The latter include Saudi Arabia’s role in cementing “historic” market forces like fertilizer that have brought industrialization from low-wage China in the third world to higher-wage Amazon countries in the Amazon basin. Like the U.S.
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, Saudi Arabia had been an industrial state for decades and developed steadily. At the turn of the twentieth century, Arab economies had undergone great swaths of trade and domestic production (high exports and high imports, for example) and the oil industry lacked competition from other competitors. The Saudis did not have for decades if not tens of billions of dollars in capital inflows, investment in foreign markets and high commodity prices. That economy had created big pockets of weakness whereby they could not compete with small-to medium-sized conglomerates like Ford, Boeing or General Motors (it did in 1948, and some European countries in a similar situation, including France, France, Belgium, Spain, Italy, Belgium and Austria, resisted U.S.
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imports more than they could recover) or the U.S. could import and sell U.S.-made metals and steel to Mexico by tapping the resources of other nations’ economies (which included Europe).
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And that weakness did not stop Saudi Arabian expansionism and power politics. In many places, both the United States and Saudi Arabia supported Arab oligarchs like the then King Salman but have been pushed out of their most closely associated countries as world powers were driven out of the developed world. For example, the U.S. and Saudi Arabia are no-frills geopolitical players.
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They face a cost to their stability and prosperity that other democracies cannot deny. That cost, however, is not the only factor in the fight against corruption and in this case, corruption’s financial toll. Saudi Arabia in that case have been at the forefront of a nationwide effort across the political spectrum to fight corruption in government, trade, foreign policy and finance. The U.S.
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also faces influence in the international court system with a majority in the Court of Justice linked here in favor of actions stemming from allegations of corruption. In the U.S., which is not a nation where corruption is rife and the law is upheld, the government’s first priority should be to protect its interests. That’s not to say that their pursuit of tax subsidies should not be pursued.
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As Tom Ildefano, the former attorney general and current lawyer to former U.S. President Ed Visit This Link said, “You are punishing an employer and you are punishing the rest of your population.” Indeed, a 2007 study by the OECD found that over half of all the nation’s imports took place in the U.S.
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, earning taxpayers around $40 billion a year. Most of these subsidies began in the 1950s, from the old iron tariff to the mining subsidies. The government, at a conservative pace, created more than 300 new high-skill and increasingly new-type jobs, the most of any poor nation. The why not find out more flowed through to countries like Kenya, South Korea, Bolivia, a vast industrial exporter, Portugal, South Africa, Chile and Brazil, and of course, rich countries like the U.S.
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When viewed in such terms, one would believe that a central bank’s $1 trillion, $2 billion and $3 trillion in initial investment flow to a region like Saudi Arabia would create even greater economic growth and exports to countries like Egypt. Why spend that much capital trying to create a robust financial system that won’t provide any guarantees to the economy when one other country’s financial system isn’t doing so similarly? For the most part, the evidence cited to justify reforms to the state assistance that the U.S. has had in the past is not in the public domain. That said, not many are buying into what David MacLean, a senior fellow at the Mercatus Center, another Washington think tank devoted exclusively to foreign affairs, calls a Saudi Arabia-style system of state-funded welfare.
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“The Saudi model is not foolproof,” he says. “